Do you think that all the attention paid to models at something like NY's fashion week is undue in comparison to the other events around the world?

Why would people be focusing on a models, when there are thousands people are dieing from mammoth natural disasters around the world. Many people from around the would can and did help, whilst there were some people focusing on themselves. Think of the amount of money that would of been put into the make up, costume, lights, staff and sponsors. All that money could of made a significant difference to someone or even many people effected in the floods.


As seen in the picture below there are 8 women attending to the one model. Think about all 8 women in the other picture with with the man and what we would presume his is daughter, those women could be helping to search for people, help cleaning up, or even helping give food to people that have been effected badly by this earthquake.




As I said before, why would people be focusing on a models, when there are thousands people are dieing from mammoth natural disasters around the world. I think it shouldn't happen because all the time, effort and money used for selfish acts could be put into helping many other people

Martin Luther King Jr - 'I have a dream.'

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³

<sup>1. Summarize the thesis of the speech in one sentence.
The thesis of the speech is to let Black people be accepted as as much as white people.
2. Mode of Persuasion? (it is ok to have more than one) Give examples to support your answer/answers.Pathos: He uses Pathos by using raw emotion to power his words and meaning of the speech. He also uses Logos by stating facts about black people and white people.
3. Major techniques (highlight all examples)</sup>

^{The majoy technique used is repetition. He uses it again and again and again.} 

^{4. What is the historical context of this speech?}

<sup>The historical content of the speech is that it worked and allowed blacks to be accepted as much as whites.
5. Do you feel that this is an effective speech? (answer in a paragraph)</sup>

^{I do feel like this is an effective speech. The amount of meaning and feelings he put into th speech showed when he executed the speech. The repetition and rhetorical questions where used extremely effectively. The length of the speech also contributed to how effective it was. It wasn't too long and wasn't too short. He had the perfect length of a speech for the topic he was doing and didn't drag the speech on. I also think the speech is effective because it had so many emotional words and so many emotional meanings. He uses a check as a metaphor for black people, and the bank being the society. He says that the check has "insufficient funds" he's saying that black people aren't worth anything to some people.}

Convincing speech to mum

Pathos: As I am getting older, as I am socializing more, as I am out of the house more, I believe I should be allowed weekly pocket money. Every other guy in my year gets pocket money, I never have had it nor ever asked in my life. I have always wanted to get pocket money but never asked. I think it's about time that i do so.

I think that I should be allowed to get $30 a week. $30 a week would support me with what I need and my social life. On the weekend I might want to go to the movies with some friends, instead of asking you for some money for lunch, movie and train, I could use my own money. This money would also be used after school when me and some friends go up to Gordon or Wahroonga shops for something to eat and drink. This $30 doesn't limit me to just the weekend. I could also start saving up this money instead of going out so that i will be able to afford my own car for when i turn 16. 


In conclusion I think that I should be allowed to have $30 to support my social life and future life. It would help me messily and I would appreciate it very much 


Logos: Have I ever asked for pocket money? Have I ever complained about getting pocket money? Well I think its about time. I would like to get $30 pocket money per week. 


Giving me pocket money each week will not only allow me to socialize more, but it teaches about how to budget my money so i know what to spend on what and how to save money. It will teach me lessons for future life. Not only will it teach me life lessons but it allow me to socialize more, in doing so, I will be out of the house more which allows you to relax more. It will allow me save money now so that in later life i will be able to buy stuff for myself instead of asking you more and more, it will be beneficial for later life. 


To finish up I would just like to say again that giving me pocket money per week would be a wise and smart thing to do.


Ethos: As I stand here in front of you.... with my pockets empty, wallet empty and my social life empty, I would like to ask you to give me, your son, pocket money each week.


 All I ask of you is to let me be able to have $30 a week so i can go out with my friends to the movies and shops on the weekend. All I ask of you is to give me $30 a week so that i can have fun after school with my friends before I come home and start my homework. All I ask of you is to give me, your son $30 a week. It would be a great moment in my teenage years if I would be able to have weekly funds. It would be great to able to buy my own car one day, it would be great to buy my own house one day, it would be even greater to  say it started from this day on, when i get weekly pocket money. 


All I ask of you is that you think about what I have said here today, and think about my life with my own money, and your son being able to be able to say the money is his.  

Abraham Lincoln: The Gettysburg Address

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate - we cannot consecrate - we cannot hallow - this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us - that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion - that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain - that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom - and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

President Abraham Lincoln - November 19, 1863

What do you notice about the length of the speech? 

What I notice about the length of the speech is that its not very long. He gets the message across and doesn't drag on about what he is saying.

What do you notice about the organisation?

I notice that he divides the paragraphs in the format of Intro, Body and Conclusion

What do you think is the thesis of the speech?

I think the thesis of this speech is to get people to give respect to those in the civil war.

Name two techniques (with quotes) which you feel are successfully employed and discuss why you feel they are so effective.

Repetition: " of the people, by the people, for the people" He repeats "people" because hes making people know that its for the people. What they do effects the people. He also says: "we cannot dedicate - we cannot consecrate - we cannot hallow". He also repeats that they are one. 
Emotive Language: "Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal." By saying all this, he addresses people formally.

Why do you think that the concluding statement is considered so important and powerful by many Americans to this day?

The concluding statement is considered so important and powerful by many Americans to this day because it states how honorable and sacred the country they live on is. It states how Americans should be proud to be apart of that country. For the men that gave their lives and are resting in that place for them.

Patrick Henry - Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

1.  Identify the important technique he employs to win over his audience. 

The important technique he uses in this speech to win over his audience is rhetorical questions. He uses rhetorical questions because it gets them thinking about what hes saying and thinking about it going to war is a good idea. This technique is strong because he uses again and again and it gets the crowd to keep thinking that they should.

Friday 18/2 (HW at bottom): Pathos, Logos, or Ethos? - Susan B. Anthony and Women's Right to Vote

1. Read the following speech and determine what form of logical reasoning (from Aristotle) she is using in her argument. Give quotes to support your decision.
2. What is the 'thesis' (main point) of her speech. Give the sentence you feel serves as the thesis.
3. Divide the speech into three parts: Intro, Body, Conclusion

INTRO Friends and fellow citizens: I stand before you tonight under indictment for the alleged crime of having voted at the last presidential election, without having a lawful right to vote. It shall be my work this evening to prove to you that in thus voting, I not only committed no crime, but, instead, simply exercised my citizen's rights, guaranteed to me and all United States citizens by the National Constitution, beyond the power of any state to deny.
BODY The preamble of the Federal Constitution says:
"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."
It was we, the people; not we, the white male citizens; nor yet we, the male citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed the Union. And we formed it, not to give the blessings of liberty, but to secure them; not to the half of ourselves and the half of our posterity, but to the whole people - women as well as men. And it is a downright mockery to talk to women of their enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the use of the only means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican government - the ballot.
For any state to make sex a qualification that must ever result in the disfranchisement of one entire half of the people, is to pass a bill of attainder, or, an ex post facto law, and is therefore a violation of the supreme law of the land. By it the blessings of liberty are forever withheld from women and their female posterity.
To them this government has no just powers derived from the consent of the governed. To them this government is not a democracy. It is not a republic. It is an odious aristocracy; a hateful oligarchy of sex; the most hateful aristocracy ever established on the face of the globe; an oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor. An oligarchy of learning, where the educated govern the ignorant, or even an oligarchy of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be endured; but this oligarchy of sex, which makes father, brothers, husband, sons, the oligarchs over the mother and sisters, the wife and daughters, of every household - which ordains all men sovereigns, all women subjects, carries dissension, discord, and rebellion into every home of the nation.
Webster, Worcester, and Bouvier all define a citizen to be a person in the United States, entitled to vote and hold office.
CONCLUSION The only question left to be settled now is: Are women persons? And I hardly believe any of our opponents will have the hardihood to say they are not. Being persons, then, women are citizens; and no state has a right to make any law, or to enforce any old law, that shall abridge their privileges or immunities. Hence, every discrimination against women in the constitutions and laws of the several states is today null and void, precisely as is every one against Negroes.

Susan B. Anthony - 1873 1. I think that she used Logos in the speech."Are women persons? And I hardly believe any of our opponents will have the hardihood to say they are not. Being persons, then, women are citizens" In saying this, she wants people to think about women being people too and being apart of the nation.
2. I think the thesis of the speech is to let women vote in the country, she says "I not only committed no crime, but, instead, simply exercised my citizen's rights, guaranteed to me and all United States citizens by the National Constitution, beyond the power of any state to deny."
3.
• Repetition
• Exaggeration/Hyperbole
• Generalizations
• Clichés
• Statistics/Distortion of facts
• Imperatives
• Emotive words
• Use of imagery/symbolism
• Puns
• Use of endorsements/testimonials
• Rhetorical questions
• Inclusive language
• Euphemism 

Julius Ceasar III.ii.82–96

Mark Antony:

INTRO Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears;
I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him;
The evil that men do lives after them,
The good is oft interred with their bones,
So let it be with Caesar ... The noble Brutus
Hath told you Caesar was ambitious:
BODY If it were so, it was a grievous fault,
And grievously hath Caesar answered it ...
Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest,
(For Brutus is an honourable man;
So are they all; all honourable men)
Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral ...
He was my friend, faithful and just to me:
But Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man….
He hath brought many captives home to Rome,
Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill:
Did this in Caesar seem ambitious?
When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept:
Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
You all did see that on the Lupercal
I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
Which he did thrice refuse: was this ambition?
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And, sure, he is an honourable man.
I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,
But here I am to speak what I do know.
You all did love him once, not without cause:
CONCLUSION What cause withholds you then to mourn for him?
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason…. Bear with me;
My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar,
And I must pause till it come back to me.


1. I think that in this speech, Mark is using Pathos. I think this because he is using emotion for the people to hear out what he is saying.


2. The thesis of the speech is to talk about Ceasar at his funeral.

Books Or Tv

"Reading books is better than TV"

In my opinion I don't think reading books is better than TV. I disagree with books being better than TV. I can see where other people may come from when they think it is though. People say that TV ruins your brain and makes u less smart, although there are many channels or programs on TV that are very educational. Also the news every night at 6 pm is a great way to keep up on the latest things and changes around the world. You can buy a news paper everyday but in the long term run you would save a lot of money watching the news and setting aside 30mins a day at night after work relaxing and watching the news.

I strongly disagree that books are better than TV. TV can do everything a book can, its just quicker and easier. In my personal opinion i would much rather sit in front of the TV watching the Simpsons, then sitting at home reading a book. TV is also educational. If you wanted to learn about animals, then would have to spend up to $50 on a book on animals, OR, you could go to the TV and go to the animal planet channel. The animal planet also lets you learn about a huge variety of animals which wouldn't be in just 1 book, so it also saves you money.

TV is also a great way for the family to come together. The whole family could sit around the TV on a Saturday night and watch their favorite show together. The whole family wouldn't be able to come together and read the same book together though. Its also great for younger kids that can't read yet, or can but not very well. After school kids would much rather sit in front of the TV and chill, than sit down and read more after school.

In conclusion, I strongly disagree that books are better than TV. TV has what books have to offer, and more. TV is quicker and easier, and more entertaining. I think that more people should watch TV than pick up a book after school, I still think books are important, but I would rather watch TV after school, then read whilst trying to get to sleep at night.  

Aristotle's 3 modes of persuasion: Pathos, Logos, Ethos

1.
Pathos: An appeal to the audience’s emotions. Subjective way of talking. An experience that may happen/consequences. If Pathos is taken too far you could lose logic. Opportunity

Logos: English meaning - Logic. The logical appeal or the simulation of it. Factual information. An academic situation, political, business, medical. An objective way to speak - absence of emotion. Stronger than Pathos and Ethos

Ethos: An appeal to the authority or honesty of the speaker, relates to expertise. The wait and the power of the speaker. Who is speaking - the amount of respect and credibility. They use experiences that has already happened. 


2. Ladies and gentlemen, today I am here to share with you my views on organ donation, in the hope that you will take them on board and give someone the ultimate gift after you have left this earth - the gift of life.

Ladies and gentlemen, at this moment in the US there are 79,000 U.S patients on the transplant waiting list. Three thousand a month are added to this total. Not a lot you may say when the population is close to three hundred million, but now add twenty to thirty family and friends to each patient, and the number increases vastly.

Every day between 16 and 17 people die whilst waiting for a transplant. Again you may say not a lot - but in the average mans' lifetime the death toll is 1,980,160 - almost two million people. Ladies and gentlemen you can help. By donating your vital organs after you have passed away you can save lives.

For the more sentimental of you, of the 79,000 patients waiting for a transplant, over 10 per cent of these are children under 18 years of age.

So, how can you help? All you have to do is get in touch with your local doctor and he will tell you all you need to know. You fill out one form, and receive a card; it really is that easy. Then, once you have passed away in many years to come, your organs will be removed and will give somebody else the chance of life.

After a transplant of a vital organ, the average survival rate is over 80%. A massive increase from the 20% that would live without the surgery.

Some people worry. Will they be left open after the surgery as they are already dead, or will they still be able to have an open casket funeral? The answers to these are simple. You will be treated with the up most respect in the surgery and the same procedures apply to the body as a living body. And yes, you will be able to have an open casket funeral if you wish to.

Ladies and gentlemen - the gift of life is the most amazing gift anybody can give. How I see things, and what made me become a donor, is that after I am gone I will have no use for my organs. So why should I deprive someone else from using them.

Please consider what I have said today. Thank you.



The speaker in this speech is trying to persuade the audience to donate their organs. The speaker does this by using Pathos. The speaker is trying to get the audience to think about their emotions and to consider donating their organs.